"The Weaponization of Weaponization"

Justice loses its meaning when politics decides who deserves protection, who deserves punishment, and truth becomes whatever the loudest voices are willing to believe.

They are calling it a slush fund. They are calling it an outrage. They are calling it a threat to democracy.

If I had a dollar for every time cable news declared something the end of the republic, I could probably fund my own anti-weaponization task force, complete with matching jackets and a conference at a Marriott near the airport.

The latest panic revolves around the $1.776 billion “anti weaponization fund,” a provision tied to Donald Trump’s lawsuit over the leaking of his tax information. According to much of the media, a collection of political commentators, and several members of Congress, this fund is already guilty before it has even existed. The assumption is that it would be used to reward January 6 defendants, punish enemies, and generally operate like a political ATM.

But let me ask the question nobody seems interested in answering: how do they know?

Seriously. How does everyone know, with such absolute certainty, exactly where this money would go? Why is the immediate reaction that it must be destined for the most sinister purpose imaginable? We have reached a point in American politics where people no longer wait for evidence. They wait for a headline that confirms what they already wanted to believe.

And that is where I come in. I actually have fully draftd and ready to go an application to whoever the attorney general would be a demand letter to be a part of those seeking restitution.

In my letter, I write: “There are moments in this country when the truth gets buried under politics, ambition, media hysteria, and prosecutorial theater. The people caught in the middle stop being viewed as human beings. They become symbols. Targets. Convenient villains.

I know because I lived it.

For years, I stood beside Donald Trump as his lawyer, advisor, and fixer. I was not a distant associate. I was in the room. I was in the orbit. And when the political winds shifted, I became the easiest person to sacrifice. The same people who once took my calls suddenly acted like they had never heard of me. Washington has many talents, but loyalty is not one of them.”

So when I hear the phrase “anti weaponization fund,” I cannot help wondering whether anyone in Washington is capable of imagining that political weaponization can happen to someone they dislike.

Because it happened to me.

As I wrote in my NYT bestseller Revenge, “government becomes extraordinarily dangerous when prosecutors, politicians, and media figures convince themselves that destroying a person is justified because of the larger cause. Once that mindset takes hold, due process becomes a technicality and selective prosecution becomes a patriotic duty.”

Now, before anyone starts hyperventilating, I am not arguing that this fund is noble, necessary, or even a good idea. I am saying that the certainty surrounding it is astonishing. The same people who insist on nuance in every other context suddenly become clairvoyant when Donald Trump is involved.

Meanwhile, the man most closely associated with the fund, Todd Blanche, spent part of yesterday trying to convince senators that the whole thing is effectively dead.

During his confirmation hearing, Blanche repeatedly told the Senate Judiciary Committee that the fund is “not moving forward” and is, in practical terms, finished. That should have ended the story.

It did not.

Because several Republican senators were not buying the verbal funeral.

The interesting part of this hearing was not the Democratic outrage. That was predictable. The interesting part was watching Republican senators press Blanche on whether the settlement creating the fund remains an enforceable contract. Under questioning, he acknowledged that it does.

Translation: legally speaking, the door may not be completely closed.

That is why Senators Thom Tillis and John Cornyn suddenly became the center of the political universe. If all Democrats oppose Blanche, one Republican defection could create a serious problem for his nomination. Tillis has signaled skepticism, and Cornyn appears in no hurry to rescue a nominee closely tied to Trump after their own political history.

What emerged from the hearing was something much more complicated than the media narrative. Blanche says the fund is dead. Senators say the contract still exists. Legal scholars are debating whether it could theoretically be revived. Democrats are calling it unprecedented. Republicans are questioning whether the administration can simply declare it irrelevant.

In other words, nobody actually knows.

And that is the point.

We have built a political culture where uncertainty is treated as weakness. Everyone is expected to pick a side immediately, declare absolute confidence, and begin tweeting in all caps. The more complicated the facts become, the louder the slogans get.

I spent years watching that machinery from the inside. I watched narratives get constructed before investigations were complete. I watched people become guilty by association. I watched leaks appear with suspicious timing. I watched prosecutors pursue headlines as aggressively as they pursued convictions.

So when I hear politicians and commentators insist that this fund can only be corrupt, I hear something familiar: certainty before evidence.

Maybe the fund is dead. Maybe it is legally dormant. Maybe it could be revived. Maybe it was a terrible idea from the start.

What I know is this: the fastest way to undermine the rule of law is to decide, in advance, which people deserve it and which people do not.

Trust me. I know. I have been on the receiving end of that decision.

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